Spring 2025 San Diego Community College Student Anthropology Journal
Edited by Arnie Schoenberg
Published by Arnie Schoenberg
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Volume 9, Issue 1, Spring 2025
latest update: December 26, 2025
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This article addresses inequality across the margins of modern nation-states. My method is ethnology, which compares and contrasts different cultures and how people interact with each other (Hasty, Lewis, and Snipes 2022, 1.2). Ethnography is the study done with a specific culture, and is published in the form of a book or an article. Ethnologies use data from ethnographies to research a topic or test a hypothesis, and in the end, the results are shared in the form of a published ethnology. I compared a textbook and two ethnographies to each other to test my hypothesis that Mexican and Asian women are affected by immigration back home as well as in the US. I looked for patterns to answer the question of why these women immigrate and why some of them stay.
The first ethnography I read, Women Who Stay Behind: Pedagogies of Survival in Rural Transmigrant Mexico by Ruth Trinidad Galván (2015), was on the women of a rural city in Mexico who stay behind as their husbands leave for the US and how they’re effected by labor migration. That city was given a substitute name, Sierra Linda, in order to keep the women and their families’ information confidential. Sierra Linda is located in the state of Guanajuato and the poverty rate is one of the reasons for labor migration, as the region ranked second as the poorest in the state, and Guanajuato is also the state with the most migration to the US. 1.8 million of Guanajuato’s citizens actually live in the US (Galvan 2022, 9).
The second ethnography, Importing Care, Faithful Service: Filipino and Indian American Nurses at a Veterans Hospital by Stephen M. Cherry (2022), was about Filipina and Indian women nurses who work in a veteran’s hospital in the US. The author researched how they’re affected by migration and asked the question of why they continue to put up with all the troubles at work, such as racism and sexism. These women were also given substitute names to keep their anonymity, as this is a mandatory practice in the field of anthropology.
Anthropology is the holistic study of humans. It’s a vast subject but it includes four subfields: culture, archeology, linguistics, and biology (Hasty, Lewis, and Snipes 2022, 1.2). Anthropology is good at studying labor migration because it can study both the home culture and the host culture. The subfield, cultural anthropology, especially ethnology, is good to use to compare and contrast two different cultures involved in labor migration. Labor migration is the act of traveling to another country with the motivation of finding work and maintaining financial stability, and these labor migrants are everywhere; there are an estimated 160 million worldwide as of 2017 (Hasty, Lewis, and Snipes 2022, 10.4). Labor migration is important, and it is also motivated by the need for these migrants in the US. Fourteen percent of all Americans are immigrants, but 16 percent of registered nurses are immigrants, and a significant 22 percent of nursing assistants are immigrants (Cherry 2022, 145). My mom has worked in the healthcare field for many years as a doctor’s assistant and has experienced much racism by colleagues and patients alike here in San Diego and in La Jolla. It doesn’t always come from Caucasians but from other races as well, unfortunately. Anthropology is important because it can teach people about living in a world that is diverse.
These two ethnographies provided experiences that women had with labor migration, and I wanted to highlight the recurring themes between them. First is activism and community. The nurses were very active in their community as were the women in Mexico. The Mexican women benefited from a non-profit organization called PLAMAC, which stands for “Popular Literacy Projects in Mexico, Civil Association” (Galvan 2022, 4). PLAMAC works with rural communities and starts projects to boost education in these communities, and the rural city of Sierra Linda benefited from a financial literacy project that started small savings groups. These groups also helped build skills like saving money, reading, and writing (Galvan 2022, 5). This helped the women build autonomy within their economy and enlighten them. The veteran nurses in the US stated that despite facing discrimination from their own patients, they continued to work in their community to help homeless veterans (Cherry 2022, 3). I’d like to share the similarities in their resolve; these women had to explain how they maintained a steady path despite their situations. In Mexico, the women had a sense of “supervivencia” that the author learned is about “not survival but that beyondness—the ability to live happy, creative and full lives while defying the hardships of poverty” (Galvan 2022, 4). This answers the question of why they didn’t give up and instead persisted with their new circumstances because they had this idea about standing up to difficult situations. The nurses also had their own resolve about why they continue to stay in this difficult space; they had this interesting conceptualization of being good Christians and patriots, just like their fellow American colleagues, and placing themselves into this space was a way to constantly challenge themselves and prove it (Cherry 2022, 2).
In conclusion, Cherry’s ethnographic research found that even though Filipina and Indian nurses face discrimination working at veterans’ hospitals in the US, they still cared for their patients with a true passion. At the same time, the Mexican women remaining in Mexico followed a belief of supervivencia that helped them continue living in underinvested neighborhoods and taking on heavy responsibilities. Both cultures share a resolve to maintain a steady path, despite their situations.
Cherry, Stephen M. 2022. Importing Care, Faithful Service : Filipino and Indian American Nurses at a Veterans Hospital. Rutgers University Press, https://doi.org/10.36019/9781978826373
Galván, Ruth Trinidad. Women Who Stay Behind: Pedagogies of Survival in Rural Transmigrant Mexico. University of Arizona Press, 2015. https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctt183p9b1
Hasty, Jennifer, David G. Lewis, and Marjorie M. Snipes. 2022. Introduction to Anthropology. OpenStax. https://openstax.org/details/books/introduction-anthropology
Angel Martinez was born and grew up in San Diego, California and was raised by his Mother, Miriam De La Cruz, and Nana, Celia De La Cruz. He attended San Diego High, where he was introduced to the idea of going to San Diego City College by the Upward Bound program. After high school, he pursued a Computer Science degree, inspired by his love of music production. He started out making beats on phone apps back in 7th grade, but only shared his first beat on YouTube in 2018. He truly found his knack for computers in his elementary school days as a kid playing games like Minecraft on Desktop computers. He now has a new focus on interactive design and looks to get an associate’s degree here at San Diego City College and obtain a bachelor’s in interactive design elsewhere.
Animals have always played a critical role in shaping the cultural beliefs, spiritual practices, and societal structures of human communities across the globe. Two distinct cultures that illustrate the profound symbolism of animals are the Dassanetch people of Eastern Africa and the Rock Cree of North America. While the Dassanetch integrate animal symbolism—particularly bees and birds—into their age systems and social organization, the Rock Cree embed animal reverence into their spiritual beliefs and hunting practices. By exploring these cultural patterns, it becomes evident that animals serve not only as sources of sustenance but also as pillars of spiritual guidance and social structure (Hasty, Lewis, and Snipes 2022, 35).
This analysis employs an ethnological approach, comparing the symbolic significance of animals in the Dassanetch and Rock Cree cultures. Ethnology allows for the comparison of cultural elements across different societies, highlighting both unique adaptations and shared themes in human-animal relationships (Hasty, Lewis, and Snipes 2022, 42).For the Dassanetch, the primary reference is Uri Almagor’s (1985) article," The Bee Connection: A Symbolism of a Cyclical Order in an Eastern African Age System," which outlines the complex ways bees and birds influence their societal structure. In contrast, the Rock Cree’s symbolic relationship with animals is vividly captured in Robert Brightman’s (1993) work, Grateful Prey: Rock Cree Human-Animal Relationships, which details the tribe’s spiritual beliefs and hunting traditions. Animalsare not merely part of the ecosystem; they are deeply interwoven into cultural practices, influencing everything from social hierarchy to spiritual beliefs in many communities around the world (Hasty, Lewis, and Snipes 2022, 12). These two sources illustratehow each community views and interacts with the animals in its environment.
Anthropology, as the study of humans and their societies, is divided into four main subfields: cultural anthropology, archaeology, biological anthropology, and linguistic anthropology. Cultural anthropology focuses on understanding cultural practices, beliefs, and symbols within societies (Hasty, Lewis, and Snipes 2022, 50). Thestudy of the Dassanetch and Rock Cree falls primarily under cultural anthropology, where symbolic practices surrounding animals reflect broader societal values (Almagor 1985, 5; Brightman 1993, 20). Culture is defined as the learned behaviors, beliefs, and symbols that allow groups of people to live together and make sense of their world (Hasty, Lewis, and Snipes 2022, 18). It is transmitted through language, ritual, and shared experiences, making it distinctly human. The Dassanetch and Rock Cree exemplify this through their integration of animals into both social structure and spiritual beliefs (Almagor 1985, 6; Brightman 1993, 22).
While animals display learned behaviors and social structures, these differ from human culture, which is symbolic, transmitted through complex language, and built upon abstract thinking (Hasty, Lewis, and Snipes 2022, 55). Animal behavior is primarily driven by instinct and immediate survival needs, whereas human culture allows for symbolic representation, such as the Dassanetch’s use of bees and birds to represent societal order(Almagor 1985, 8)or the Rock Cree’s spiritual reverence for hunted animals (Brightman 1993, 30). This distinction underscores the unique human ability to infuse nature with layered meanings. The long-standing debate of nature versus nurture explores whether biological instincts or cultural learning predominantly shape human behavior (Hasty, Lewis, and Snipes 2022, 63). The Dassanetch and Rock Cree provide insight into this debate. For the Dassanetch, the structuring of age and societal roles through bees and birds is a culturally learned practice (Almagor 1985, 10), while for the Rock Cree, respectful hunting practices are deeply rooted in spiritual beliefs passed down through generations (Brightman 1993, 35). Both demonstrate that culture, not just biology, profoundly shapes human interaction with the environment.
Symbols are vital to cultural understanding as they represent abstract concepts in tangible forms (Hasty, Lewis, and Snipes 2022, 70). For the Dassanetch, bees symbolize the cyclical nature of life stages, while birds signify the arrangement ofneolocalresidences (Almagor 1985, 12). For the Rock Cree, animals symbolize spiritual guardianship and the reciprocal relationship between hunter and prey (Brightman 1993, 40). These symbols create a shared understanding within each community, reinforcing social norms and collective identity. Language is the primary means of transmitting culture and symbolism (Hasty, Lewis, and Snipes 2022, 75). Among the Dassanetch and Rock Cree, language encodes beliefs, rituals, and knowledge of the natural world. Through storytelling and oral traditions, each community passes down the symbolic importance of animals, preserving cultural continuity and reinforcing societal values (Almagor 1985, 15; Brightman 1993, 45).
The Dassanetch and Rock Cree represent two distinct manifestations of animal symbolism. For the Dassanetch, animals are markers of societal order and age progression, a framework that governs communal interactions (Almagor 1985, 16). In contrast, the Rock Cree’s symbolism is more spiritual, influencing their ethical considerations and hunting practices (Brightman 1993, 50). This comparison highlights broader anthropological themes such as the role of symbolism in cultural cohesion and the transmission of values through ritual and tradition (Hasty, Lewis, and Snipes 2022, 80).
The symbolism of animals in these two cultures demonstrates the diverse ways in which human societies integrate nature into their worldview. For the Dassanetch, animals signify structure and life progression, while for the Rock Cree, they embody spiritual guardianship and ethical hunting practices. Understanding these cultural dynamics enriches our appreciation for how deeply intertwined human existence is with the natural world (Hasty, Lewis, and Snipes 2022, 85).
Almagor, Uri. “The Bee Connection: A Symbolism of a Cyclical Order in an East African Age System.” Journal of Anthropological Research 41 (1985): 1–17. April 11, 2025.
Brightman, Robert. Grateful Prey: Rock Cree Human-Animal Relationships. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993. http://ark.cdlib.org/ark:/13030/ft0f59n6tb/ April 25, 2025.
ChatGPT, May 15, 2025, OpenAI, https://chat.openai.com
Hasty, Jennifer, David G. Lewis, and Marjorie M. Snipes. Introduction to Anthropology. 2022. https://openstax.org/books/introduction-anthropology/pages/1-introduction February 4, 2025.
Hannah Renee Sluyter was born to Dana Gibler, Mother, and Brian Sluyter, Father, in Jefferson City, Missouri. Her mother raised Hannah and grew up alongside one older brother, Aubrey, and three younger sisters, Susan, Samantha, and Jessica. Hannah attended Jefferson City High School, where she ran track and field and graduated in May of 2018. On November 12th, 2018, Hannah joined the United States Navy, where she would serve from 2018-2024 as a Hospital Corpsman. Hannah ended her military career with a deployment to the Red Sea on the USS Dwight D. Eisenhower, a Naval Aircraft Carrier, from October 2023 to July 2024. Hannah now attends San Diego City College and plans to transfer to UC San Diego to obtain a Master of Science Degree in Biology.
High-quality food is less accessible and of lower quality in low-income urban neighborhoods, even when managed by the same store brands found in higher-income areas. Historical structural inequalities such as redlining and discriminatory urban policies continue to influence food availability, store investment, and consumer experiences today.
In this study, I investigate how food quality differs between high-income and low-income neighborhoods, even when the stores belong to the same grocery chain. Food is a basic human need, yet access to fresh, nutritious options is not equal across urban spaces. Through participant observation and personal work experience in grocery stores, I explore how systemic inequalities affect the availability and quality of food in different communities. I visited multiple grocery and convenience stores located in both wealthy and economically struggling areas and observed notable differences in product freshness, store environment, and customer interactions. These differences reflect deeper systemic issues tied to historical practices like redlining, economic disinvestment, and urban neglect. This study aims to highlight how limited access to high-quality food contributes to ongoing health disparities in urban populations and points to the need for equitable food systems.
To investigate this hypothesis, I used participant observation by visiting several grocery and convenience stores across neighborhoods with varying income levels. I observed and documented the condition, freshness, and variety of key food items such as fruits, vegetables, meats, and prepared meals. I also took note of store cleanliness, lighting, and customer service quality.
In addition, my direct work experience in two grocery stores deepened my understanding. At one store, I worked solely as a cashier, interacting with customers and witnessing purchasing behaviors. At another, I helped stock shelves and handle product receiving. This gave me insight into supply chain realities, including how products arrive with short shelf lives, often expiring within one to four months after delivery. I noticed that stores frequently discount products on their last valid day, sometimes offering them at half price, but these items can remain on shelves and available for sale up to a week after expiration, a practice that raises health concerns.
While working, I also witnessed theft incidents involving vulnerable populations. One memorable incident involved a homeless man who entered the store and began eating a family-size cheesecake from the freezer aisle before paying. The manager intervened, took the cheesecake, and directed the man to pay at my register. He only had six dollars to pay for a thirty-dollar item, highlighting the economic struggles and food insecurity faced by many community members.
This study addresses anthropological concerns, including how social structures shape daily life and access to resources. Food systems are not merely about personal choice or culture; they reflect broader inequalities rooted in history and policy. Examining cultural patterns of consumption reveals how economic and racial inequalities are reproduced through everyday practices. Past urban policies like redlininghave systematically marginalized low-income neighborhoods by denying investment, which today manifests in disparities in food availability and quality (Taylor 2024). Scholars argue that poor food access contributes to persistent health problems, including obesity, diabetes, and other diet-related illnesses, disproportionately affecting marginalized communities (Hasty, Lewis, and Snipes 2022, 9.2, 14.4). Understanding these patterns is essential for addressing social justice and public health goals.
My observations showed clear differences between stores in high-income and low-income neighborhoods. In wealthier areas, produce was consistently fresh, colorful, and fully stocked. Meats and prepared foods had clear labeling with recent packaging and expiration dates, and store environments were clean and well-lit. Staff appeared attentive, and stores often had a wider variety of healthy options.
Stores in low-income neighborhoods often had bruised or older fruits and vegetables, limited healthy choices, and products near or past their expiration dates still on shelves. The physical environment was often less inviting with dim lighting, cluttered aisles, and less attentive customer service. These differences indicate that, despite being part of the same company, stores in economically struggling neighborhoods receive less investment and care. This dynamic likely influences consumer behavior and further entrenches food insecurity.
My firsthand experience stocking shelves revealed how supply chains contribute to these inequalities. Products often arrive with only a short window before expiration, creating pressure to sell quickly. Discounting on the last valid day is common, but allowing sales after expiration raises concerns about consumer safety and store ethics. Furthermore, theft incidents underscore the desperation faced by some shoppers, highlighting how food insecurity is entangled with poverty and homelessness.
In conclusion, this study demonstrates how food quality and availability are unequally distributed across urban neighborhoods, influenced by income and systemic inequalities such as redlining. Even when stores share a brand, their products, environment, and practices vary significantly, reflecting broader social and economic disparities. Improving equitable access to nutritious food requires attention to supply chains, store policies, and community investment. My work experience provided valuable insights into operational challenges that perpetuate these inequalities. Although variability in store size and management affected some observations, the overall pattern was clear.
Recognizing the role of structural inequalities in shaping food access is critical for anyone interested in public health, anthropology, or social justice. Addressing these disparities can contribute to healthier communities and a more just urban food system.
Algert, S. J., Agrawal, A., and Lewis, D. S. (2006). Disparities in access to fresh produce in low income neighborhoods in Los Angeles. American Journal of Preventive Medicine, 30(5), 365–370.https://doi.org/10.1016/j.amepre.2006.01.009
Hasty, J., Lewis, D. G., and Snipes, M. M. (2022). Introduction to Anthropology. OpenStax. https://openstax.org/details/books/introduction-anthropology
Taylor, D. E., et al. (2024). Defying the food desert, food swamp, and supermarket redlining stereotypes in Detroit: Comparing the distribution of food outlets in 2013 and 2023. Sustainability, 16(16), 7109.https://doi.org/10.3390/su16167109
Kevante Burks was born and raised in San Diego, brother of seven. He graduated from High Tech High Chula Vista in 2017. He enrolled at San Diego State University, initially pursuing a Business Administration Marketing degree, but withdrew before completing his associate’s degree due to financial constraints and increased work demands. This led him into the workforce, where he gained diverse experience through various jobs, encountering both successes and setbacks. Currently working two jobs, he remains committed to completing his associate’s degree and hopes to eventually return to SDSU.
Food is more than nourishment; it is a powerful medium for expressing identity, shaping social relationships, and asserting cultural and political power. This article explores how women in two distinct communities, the Buddhist women of Japan and the Sámi indigenous women of Arctic Sweden, use food to create belonging and resistance within their cultural worlds. Drawing on Paulina Kolata and Gwendolyn Gillson’s (2022) study of “food literacy” in Japanese Buddhist contexts and Amanda Green’s (2016) ethnography of Sámi food movements, this analysis highlights how gendered food practices reflect broader cultural values and social structures. This article examines food as a site where gender, religion, identity, and power converge.
Anthropology helps us understand the complex ways culture shapes human behavior through shared meanings and social practices. “Culture is learned, shared, and symbolic” (Hasty, Lewis, and Snipes 2022, 4). These symbols and rituals allow communities to create a sense of belonging and order. Within this framework, cultural anthropology specifically investigates traditions and beliefs that govern daily life (Hasty, Lewis, and Snipes 2022, 50). In the cases of Japanese Buddhist women and Sámi Indigenous women, food practices are deeply embedded in cultural meanings. They act as more than daily tasks; they are ritualized, symbolic, and gendered performances that help sustain religious devotion and Indigenous sovereignty. By analyzing these practices, we can see how food serves as a vehicle for negotiating identity and power within distinct cultural contexts.
Kolata and Gillson’s research reveals that Japanese Buddhist women cultivate “food literacy”, a skillful and ethical way of preparing food that transcends mere cooking. This “embodied, aesthetic, and ethical practice” (Kolata and Gillson 2022, 54) is a form of spiritual labor, deeply tied to Buddhist virtues such as generosity (dāna). For instance, Aki, a temple wife, refines her cooking as an expression of religious devotion and communal responsibility. Food preparation in this context is highly gendered, often invisible, yet it shapes the collective religious experience. “Rituals help bind communities together and give symbolic meaning to everyday practices” (Hasty, Lewis, and Snipes 2022, 325). Thus, food becomes both a literal offering and a powerful symbol of belonging within the sangha, reinforcing spiritual hierarchies and community cohesion.
Amanda Green’s ethnographic work illustrates how Sámi women use traditional foods to assert cultural sovereignty and resist external pressures such as mining and state regulation. Through culinary practices involving foods like smokedreindeermeat (suovas), Sámi food activists safeguard their authenticity while participating in global movements like Slow Food. This struggle aligns with the concept of food sovereignty, where communities “control their own food systems and resist capitalist exploitation” (Hasty, Lewis, and Snipes 2022, 293). Sámi women lead efforts to preserve culinary knowledge and educate others, transforming food into a form of political activism. This dynamic shows how food becomes a means of cultural resilience and empowerment, linking identity with territorial and political rights.
Despite cultural differences, both Japanese Buddhist and Sámi women use food to perform essential cultural labor that shapes social worlds. In Japan, food preparation upholds spiritual and moral hierarchies, reinforcing religious values through everyday practice. In Sápmi, food sustains Indigenous identity and political resistance, intertwining taste with sovereignty. Both cases exemplify how gender roles, which are culturally constructed (Hasty, Lewis, and Snipes 2022, 241), are negotiated and redefined through culinary expertise. Women transform the kitchen into a site of agency and cultural transmission, illustrating that power often operates through subtle, embodied practices rather than formal authority.
Women in Buddhist and Sámi communities express care, agency, and cultural meaning through their food practices, revealing food as a powerful tool for belonging and resistance. Whether preparing ritual meals or preserving Indigenous tastes, their work transcends the kitchen, shaping social, spiritual, and political landscapes. Among the dynamic symbols important to culture (Hasty, Lewis, and Snipes 2022, 4), food serves to connect individuals to their communities and histories. These ethnographies remind us that what may seem mundane, cooking, sharing, and preserving food, is, in fact, a profound act of identity-making and boundary-defining.
Greene, Amanda S. 2016. Tastes of Sovereignty: An Ethnography of Sámi Food Movements in Arctic Sweden. Doctoral Dissertation, Oregon State University.
Kolata, Paulina, and Gwendolyn Gillson. “Feasting with Buddhist Women: Food Literacy in Religious Belonging.” Journal of Global Buddhism 23 (2022): 52-65.
Hasty, Jennifer, David G. Lewis, and Marjorie M. Snipes. Introduction to Anthropology. OpenStax, Rice University, 2022.https://openstax.org/books/introduction-anthropology
Julian Mackinnon grew up in Alpine, California, with two brothers and a sister. He graduated from Torrey Pines High School in 2022 and decided to go to San Diego City College to find an academic passion. After a year of experimentation with various classes, he committed to majoring in History to gain a holistic education. In conjunction with learning about our collective past, Julian teaches tennis to advanced players in Southern California to supplement his livelihood and stay healthy. He will attend UC Berkeley in the spring semester of 2026, where he will complete his history degree.
Language is a fundamental aspect of human interaction, shaping not only communication but also social power, identity, and inclusion. In workplaces where diverse linguistic communities converge, language use becomes a site of both connection and conflict. This is especially evident at the downtown library, where employees and patrons come from many language backgrounds, yet English dominates formal policies and institutional communication. This case study explores how language shapes workplace power dynamics and inclusion among library staff and visitors, revealing that language practices are not neutral but closely tied to social hierarchy and cultural recognition (Hasty, Lewis, and Snipes 2022, 3.5).
This inquiry draws from anthropological perspectives on language and power as well as firsthand observations at the downtown library. The works of Monica Heller (2003), Nancy Hornberger (2002), and Brigitta Busch (2010) provide critical frameworks for understanding language commodification, policy, and multilingual workplace dynamics. Their scholarship deepens the understanding of how institutional language policies affect workers’ experiences and opportunities.
By examining everyday language use and official communication within this public institution, this study highlights the tension between formal English monolingualism and informal multilingual practices. It contributes to the broader anthropological discussion on how language shapes social inclusion and power relations in multilingual workplaces (Hasty, Lewis, and Snipes 2022, 42).
Anthropology is the holistic study of humans and their cultures, comprising four subfields: cultural anthropology, archaeology, biological anthropology, and linguistic anthropology. This study falls within cultural and linguistic anthropology, focusing on the role of language as a social and symbolic system in human communities (Hasty, Lewis, and Snipes 2022, 50). Language is a primary vehicle through which culture is transmitted, shaping social structures, identities, and power relations.
Language policies and practices at the downtown library reflect broader cultural values about communication, authority, and inclusion. As Heller (2003) argues, language functions as a form of social capital that can empower or marginalize speakers depending on institutional recognition. Hornberger (2002) emphasizes the potential of multilingual policies to foster inclusion and equity, while Busch (2010) provides strategies for documenting and valuing linguistic diversity in workplaces.
In the downtown library, English is the official language of policy, signage, and staff communication. However, many employees and patrons speak other languages such as Spanish and Tagalog. These languages are often used informally among staff and with patrons, yet they lack formal institutional recognition. This creates a dynamic where multilingual skills are valued privately but remain invisible publicly, contributing to unequal power relations.
One staff member shared: “My Spanish helps me connect with patrons, but it’s not part of official library programs or training.” Another noted: “I translate for patrons sometimes, but this work isn’t formally recognized or supported.”
These observations align with Heller’s (2003) notion that language commodification often results in linguistic skills being exploited without institutional support. Hornberger’s (2002) advocacy for inclusive policies suggests the library could benefit from formalizing multilingual practices to improve accessibility and equity. Busch’s (2010) concept of “language profiles” could be adapted here to better recognize staff language abilities and match them with community needs.
The dominance of English at the downtown library reflects wider societal patterns where linguistic minorities face exclusion despite their vital contributions. The invisibility of other languages in formal settings limits staff agency and marginalizes non-English-speaking patrons. Recognizing multilingualism through policy and practice can promote more inclusive service and empower workers.
This case underscores the anthropological insight that language is deeply entwined with power. It is not merely a communication tool but a marker of status and belonging. By adopting multilingual policies and acknowledging linguistic diversity as a resource rather than a barrier, institutions like the library can foster greater inclusion and social justice.
This study demonstrates how anthropology provides valuable frameworks for understanding language, power, and inclusion in real-world settings. The downtown library, as a multilingual workplace, reveals tensions between official monolingualism and lived multilingual practices. Addressing these tensions through inclusive policies can enhance equity and recognize the cultural richness of diverse communities. This project contributes to ongoing conversations about language rights and workplace justice in multicultural societies.
Busch, Brigitta. 2010. “School Language Profiles: Valuing Linguistic Resources in Urban Communities.” Language and Education 24 (2): 139–152. https://doi.org/10.1080/09500780903519298 Accessed May 15, 2025.
Heller, Monica. 2003. “Globalization, the New Economy, and the Commodification of Language and Identity.” Journal of Sociolinguistics 7 (4): 473–492. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9841.2003.00238.x Accessed May 15, 2025.
Hornberger, Nancy H. 2002. “Multilingual Language Policies and the Continua of Biliteracy: An Ecological Approach.” Language Policy 1 (1): 27–51. https://doi.org/10.1023/A:1014548611951 Accessed May 15, 2025.
Hasty, Jennifer, David G. Lewis, and Marjorie M. Snipes. 2022. Introduction to Anthropology. OpenStax. https://openstax.org/books/introduction-anthropology/pages/1-introduction Accessed May 15, 2025.
Johny Briones is a student at San Diego City College with a passion for exploring language, culture, and social justice in diverse communities. Working at the downtown library inspired his interest in multilingual and multicultural workplace dynamics and power relations. Johny plans to continue his studies at City College and plans to major in nursing.
Fast fashion, driven by brands like Shein and fueled by influencer culture on TikTok, contributes to environmental degradation, labor exploitation, and overconsumption, especially among Gen Z consumers, all for the sake of profit. Due to the economic state of our country, people lean towards brands like Shein; they can’t afford to spend $60 on a pair of jeans. Outsourcing to Chinese brands creates a way to get eight pairs of jeans for $60, and have more money for other needs. Although getting multiple items for cheap sounds like a good idea, the quality of clothes is sacrificed. Jeans bought from Shein barely last a few washes before they need to be thrown away or donated. Shein creates cheap products that are quite literally cheap. Low-quality materials are used to mass-produce clothes and shipped worldwide to consumers. People get temporary clothes while Shein builds revenue.
The methods for this campaign included a sample literature review and brief field work. I compared articles on fast fashion, and I went to thrift stores around San Diego, where multiple Shein discarded products were being sold. I also visited landfills in the Chula Vista area. This research on the relationship between consumers and their waste, and how much fast fashion contributes to the waste, helped me to find a solution to the problem. I made memes on Instagram and shared them amongst my friends on my story. I also created an Instagram profile to upload my memes so they can be easily accessed after they expire from my story. For my campaign, I use Instagram because Gen Z tends to consume memes, so sharing this message in an appealing way to Gen Z may reach the appropriate audience (Appendix).
All socioeconomic classes consume. Many people consume for their own pleasure. Humans live in an industrial capitalist society where one group owns the factories and anotherworks to produce the industrial products. Some cultures embrace equality among these groups, while others don’t. Anthropological studies have also explained the relationship consumers have with these industrial factories (Hasty, Lewis, and Snipes2023, 7.7). Shein’s marketing strategies cater to young audiences by offering a wide variety of trending items to choose from. This is necessary, of course, because industrialized capitalist economies produce so many products to cater to a wide audience. Food retailers throw away more than 45 billion tonsof unsold food products every year. Many clothing companies shred or burn the clothes they cannot sell. Marketing and advertising have evolved to stimulate increased consumption by attaching specific meanings to commodities (Hasty, Lewis, and Snipes 2023, 7.7). Shein promotes to GenZ online by offering affordable clothing that will enhance their lifestyle. No matter where you go there will always be an ad promising something that will change you for the better. These ads can be anywhere. You can use a search engine online and the first thing you see is an ad. You can go outside and find billboards all over the freeways promoting something. You can even be at a bus stop and find ads. This is reflective of a capitalistic society that promotes a constant need to buy something. Companies profit from advertisements because they bring in more customers. You need to spread your brand everywhere people can see easily. More people equals more money. More money can equal a better life.
You may see something you like online or see a trendy item and want to buy it. Prices are a big factor in what people are willing to spend their money on. Prior to the internet, advertisements were seen in magazines or on TV. Most brands that were advertised were often designer brands that not many people could afford. However, the price of an item doesn’t stop anyone from buying it. Now, with the rise of platforms like TikTok, people have easier access to brands promoting their businesses. Brands have changed their ways of advertising to cater to a more modern audience, but what’s important is that people are looking at prices. Prior to TikTok, young women in the US might save their money to go to the mall and buy from brands such as Bebe, Forever 21, Hollister, Baby Phat, Juicy Couture; designer brands that are not cheap. With fast fashion becoming a booming industry, those brands are no longer able to bring in an audience, hence they are no longer in malls. Plaza Bonita Mall near my house has at least six fast-fashion stores that sell the exact same clothes. The names of the stores might be different, but the clothes being sold are exactly the same.
What also comes with the rise of TikTok is the rise of the influencer. People look up to these influencers and use them as inspiration for clothes. These influencers market clothes on TikTok for a young audience to buy, while the influencer gets money for every purchase made. Influencer culture has become a huge thing among Gen Z. People compare themselves to these influencers and feel the need to have all of the things they own, especially clothes, since appearance is such an important part of our society. TikTok has taken advantage of this and broadened its audience to Gen Z because they are easily influenced.
This approach aligns with the crucial adaptation to the fast-paced nature of trends. By providing low-priced items and a wide selection, Shein attracts a diverse consumer base. Many Chinese brands target the US because the US has one of the largest e-commerce markets in the world. Shein has surpassed Amazon as the most downloaded app in the US multiple times with over 1.6 million US users and over 65 million worldwide. Shein is recognized as the number one fast-fashion digital marketing platform in the US (Google AI, 2025). Shein’s popularity comes from its fast speed and cheap prices as its unique business model. This attracts customers such as Gen-Z and price-driven people.
Gen Z is also driven by social media culture. They love to post good-looking outfits and change styles every day. They regard it’s an attitude toward aesthetic life, which impulses them to purchase clothes that are fast and cheap. That is the reason Gen Z is the major targeted customer for all fast fashion companies. With the inner desire that Gen Z always wants to follow the latest trend, but with little financial ability, they become the forefront audience for fast fashion consumption. [Chen 2023, 3]
Shein uses influencers who promote on apps such as Facebook, Instagram, Twitter, Google, TikTok. Shein takes advantage of social media and influencer culture to elevate the brand value and spread the name in a viral way. Influencers on TikTok have brought Shein exposure of over 6.2 billion views (Chen 2023,4).
Trends come and go and Shein is constantly creating new products to be sold. This stock rotation creates a nonstop production demand for Shein. Shein exploits its factory workers by making them work long hours for low pay. They work 14 to 16-hour shifts, 7 days a week, working until 2-3 am. Work can reach 75 hours a week, exceeding legal limits and Shein’s own code of conduct. Factory workers work tirelessly, allegedly having only one day off per month. The payment received is below a livable wage in China. Their safety is also at risk due to the lack of safety equipment, blocked emergency exits, and limited access to restrooms (Chen 2023,4).
The constant exploitation of workers, mass production, and keeping up with trends lead both the consumer and producer to dispose of clothesexcessively. Clothes stop being trendy very quickly (within at least 3 months), and the consumer no longer wants to wear them since no one else is wearing them anymore. Or, their favorite influencer says that the item is no longer in fashion and starts promoting their new product to make more money.
Clothes that are no longer trendy and poorly made end up in landfills. Low-quality clothing is increasingly available in many thrift stores across San Diego. This seems to help people who are looking for nice clothes for a cheap price, but they may not consider that the thin clothing items can barely last a few washes and must be discarded soon. People lack awareness of how much damage overconsumption is doing to the world. People may think the only way to save the world is recycling in their kitchen, but overconsumption overshadows any recycling being done. The amount of post-consumer waste is growing yearly. Americans dispose of 720 kgof garbage per person every year, more than people in any other country in the world (Clapp 2002, 6). Shein products contribute to textile waste and microplastic pollution. The use of synthetic materials that do not break down quickly has risen over the last 50 years, making the waste disposal problem more serious. The waste that consumers toss into garbage bins accounts for up to 20% of the waste stream in North American landfills (Clapp 2002, 7). Waste dumps are located in poorer neighborhoods, made up largely of people of color, and tend to be associated with other toxic activities. I visited the landfill near my house and found pile on pile designated for clothes. It was separated from the typical garbage because it eventually has to be buried. Once the clothes are buried they will release harmful chemicals into the environment and microplastics due to the synthetic materials used (Google AI, 2025). The main issue is not “too much” product, but instead too many items consumed per person. There is more focus on managing waste than on the direct cause of it. A reduction in demand would mean a reduction in the number of people who are consuming, but there are just too many people who are consuming on a large scale. Companies such as Shein deliberately try not to make a connection between mass production andwaste. People are purposely being kept in the dark. Waste will continue to end up in disadvantaged communities, furthering a negative effect on the lower class.
Do you really like the item, or is it just trending online? Think long and hard before you buy something. It might not even be something you need. Just because your favorite influencer has something doesn’t mean you need it too. Stop trying to conform to the aesthetic culture of Gen Z and just be yourself! Be more responsible with how much you buy. The cheap prices pull you in, but at the end of the day, a lot of money is being spent on a large number of items. Be sure to choose quality items over cheap quality, so items are not thrown away so quickly. Buy from more ethical brands that do not abuse their workers for the sake of profit.
Instagram Campaign: Shein_nooo_choosebetter https://www.instagram.com/shein_nooo_choosebetter?igsh=MW1saHdqN2Rmd2Y4Yg%3D%3D&utm_source=qr
Chen, Yuting. 2023. “Analysis of Marketing Strategies of Cross-border E-commerce Platforms in the United States-Shein.” Highlights in Business, Economics and Management. vol. 19. https://doi.org/10.54097/hbem.v19i.11985
Clapp, Jennifer. “The Distancing of Waste: Overconsumption in a Global Economy.” 2002. In Confronting Consumption. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. p. 155-176. uwaterloo.ca/scholar/jclapp/publications/distancing-waste-overconsumption-global-economy
Google AI, 2025.
Hasty, Jennifer, David G. Lewis, and Marjorie M. Snipes. 2022. Introduction to Anthropology. OpenStax. https://openstax.org/books/introduction-anthropology/
Lauren Harry was born in San Diego, California. When she was 4 Lauren moved to Alabama with her mother where she stayed for 14 years. Lauren considers both California and Alabama as the places she is “from”. Lauren moved back to San Diego in 2024 and started attending San Diego City College. Lauren is a dancer and hopes to become a professional dancer after transferring and receiving her bachelor’s degree.